The last best hope of mankind. So the United Nations has been termed. If that’s true, we should abandon hope.
That doesn’t mean the U.N. has no value, but it is a highly flawed organization operating well beyond its original purpose and current competence.
Notes Heritage Foundation President Edwin J. Feulner in his introduction: “Today’s United Nations is the result of decades of poorly considered mandates, duplicative responsibilities without clear lines of responsibility, insufficient transparency and accountability, and bureaucratic mission creep and institutional overreach.” Toss in wasteful spending and excessive expectations, and the seriousness of the challenge facing the international system is obvious.
“Conundrum” advocates smarter global engagement, using the U.N. when possible and seeking alternatives when necessary. The volume focuses on the most egregious failures and most serious threats.
For instance, Greg Mills and Terence McNamee, respectively of the Brenthurst Foundation and the Royal United Services Institute for Defence and Security Studies, call the U.N.’s attempt at conflict resolution “mission improbable.” They write of Rwanda: “The mission’s vague mandate was unclear about the use of force, particularly in defense of civilians. As the genocide unfolded, the major U.N. powers dithered. They prevented any strengthening of [the United Nations Assistance Mission for Rwanda’s] mandate and delayed contributing personnel until the killings had largely ended.”
The failure of peacekeeping is more than inadequate political commitment. Mr. Mills and Mr. McNamee explain that “U.N. peacekeeping, as with other parts of the U.N. system, have proven vulnerable to mismanagement, corruption, and misconduct.”
The authors argue that the U.N. should adopt the Hippocratic Oath — first do no harm — because, “In recent years, outsiders have exacerbated and prolonged more conflicts than they have brought to an end.” Observe Mr. Mills and Mr. McNamee, “the clamor for intervention in Darfur doubtlessly arises more from an instinctive desire to ‘do something’ than a nuanced understanding of the dynamics fueling the violence, which is necessary for effective action.”
Those designing peacekeeping missions should be realistic in setting ends and providing means. The authors warn: “The decision to intervene is a serious one likely to involve more resources, time, planning, and personnel than is initially apparent.” Enforcing accountability, too, is critical.
Even more hypocritical, if not quite as deadly, have been the U.N.’s human rights activities. Although it has long been an organizational priority, Brett D. Schaefer and Steven Groves, both of the Heritage Foundation, conclude that “the U.N.’s record in persuading member states to honor, enforce, and protect fundamental human rights has been gravely disappointing.”
That’s actually an understatement. The U.N. Commission on Human Rights, Mr. Schaefer and Mr. Groves write, “became a tool for human rights abusers to block criticism of their own actions and stymie efforts to promote human rights.” The replacement Human Rights Council, created in 2006, has proved to be no different.
Also problematic are treaties concocted by the U.N., such as the Convention on the Elimination of Discrimination Against Women. The authors explain: “Recommendations of the CEDAW treaty body have included encouragement of abortion rights, legalization of prostitution, quotas to achieve gender parity in parliamentary bodies, same-sex marriage, and discouragement of references to motherhood as ‘stereotypical attitudes, even going so far as to call for eliminating Mother’s Day.”
Former executive branch attorneys Lee A. Casey and David B. Rivkin Jr. review international lawmaking. They write: “The growing influence that U.N. bodies exercise over the development, interpretation, and implementation of international law should be of great concern to the United States. Governments, nongovernmental organizations, and international bodies have increasingly undercut traditional notions of sovereignty.”
Washington long has promoted international law, and the process can benefit both Americans and the rest of humankind. Mr. Casey and Mr. Rivkin offer some important guidelines to ensure that this remains the case.