SOLUTIONS/GRAY: How can Republicans repair their brand?

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By David Gray

When I worked in brand management at Procter & Gamble in the 1990s, we learned about the importance of connecting to one's customer. Over the past five years, the Republican Party has lost touch with its voting customers and its brand is in need of repair.

Poll after poll throughout the 2008 election cycle showed that on the issues that mattered most to Americans, voters favored Democrats over Republicans.

A Gallup Poll of 30,000 respondents released in late January revealed that Democrats now have a 36 percent to 28 percent advantage over Republicans in party identification. This is the largest advantage either party has had in 20 years.

Earlier this decade, party identification was roughly equal between the parties. Over the past five years, problems managing Hurricane Katrina, the war in Iraq and the economy have undermined the Republican brand.

Brand management theory places a high priority on a product's message and messenger. The GOP needs a message that resonates with middle-class and younger voters.

The Republican brand equities of caring about smaller government, a strong national defense and middle-American values are all strengths. The party must recapture and re-emphasize them.

The success of the "surge" has taken Iraq off the front pages and the Bush administration's anti-terror policies have helped keep Americans safe from terrorist attacks. Republicans should continue to remind voters of these two facts. However, developing new domestic policy solutions is critical to its future message.

Middle-class anxiety over the economic crisis and the fraying safety net is real. Republicans need to develop credible policy solutions on issues like health care, education, a balanced budget, entitlement reform, work-force training and pension security.

Federalism matters, and the federal government should not do everything. However, it can do some things and what it does it should do well. Republicans cannot be seen to be only opposing federal action.

Just cutting taxes no longer provides a compelling narrative for the American middle class. In the early 1980s, when the top marginal tax rate was about 70 percent, cutting taxes was an imperative. Even in 2000, when government revenues from the tech boom were booming, cutting government made sense. With lower rates today and a $1 trillion projected federal deficit for 2009, those arguments carry less weight.