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Belarus receives help from Poles
WARSAW — Volha Starastsina saw no choice but to flush her work down the police-station toilet.
That was the only place the Belarusian journalist could hide TV footage after being detained for interviewing people about upcoming elections in the repressive state.
Her risky independent journalism is part of a Polish-funded effort to get uncensored news to Belarusians, one of several projects Poland supports in a drive to encourage democratic change in its troubled eastern neighbor.
The censorship, secret-police spying and harassment of political opponents under authoritarian President Alexander Lukashenko remind Poles of what Lech Walesa’s Solidarity movement endured in the 1980s.
Today’s Polish government is led by many former Solidarity activists, and they want to give Belarusians the same kind of Western help that proved crucial in toppling their former Soviet-backed regime.
Other countries also are engaged in the cause, including the United States and Sweden.
But perhaps nowhere is there as much support, at both the grass-roots and government levels, for the Belarusian democracy movement as in Poland.
The solidarity also stems from a cultural kinship and frequent contacts shared by the two Slavic peoples.
More broadly, Poland wants to see the entire region on its eastern border evolve into a space of stable and prosperous democracies and has been trying for years to push for democratic change in Ukraine and Georgia.
That would have implications on issues ranging from fighting the flow of illegal drugs to boosting trade.
And while Polish leaders don’t like to state it publicly, they also would like to see a weakening of Moscow’s influence in the region, as memories of past Russian domination are still vivid.
The Polish efforts for Belarus are many.
It has opened its universities to hundreds of Belarusians who lost their right to study at home for political reasons.
It funds several projects aimed at blunting the effects of repression, including Mr. Pisula‘s, which helps political prisoners and keeps records on the perpetrators of repression — judges, police and others — should a day of reckoning come.
Last month, she and a cameraman were stopped by secret security, still known as the KGB, as they were reporting in the eastern Belarusian city of Vitebsk. In such cases, Belsat reporters usually try to throw their memory cards under a tree or a bush, where they can be retrieved later.
But there was no vegetation in the square where they were detained, and Ms. Starastsina still had the incriminating evidence when taken to the police station.
“I felt helpless,” Ms. Starastsina told the Associated Press from her newsroom in Warsaw. “They could accuse me of anything and put me under arrest.”
Sunday’s nationwide polls were expected to elect what is essentially a rubber-stamp parliament, with most power in Mr. Lukashenko’s hands. Belsat was using its campaign footage to help expose the nation’s sham democracy.
Belsat works by engaging dozens of reporters who risk arrest and harassment to gather news. They file it over the Internet to Warsaw from improvised newsrooms in clandestine apartments across Belarus.
From Warsaw, the news gets broadcast from a studio belonging to Polish state TV back into Belarus by satellite. Another act of defiance is the station’s use of the Belarusian language rather than Russian.
That is part of a conscious attempt to revive a language and cultural heritage weakened by decades of domination of Russian, which remains the language of choice of most state media.
News and information
Altogether, the various projects have made Warsaw a key center for Belarusian dissidents and intellectuals in exile.
Officially, Poland’s aim is not to topple Mr. Lukashenko, but to give Belarusians uncensored information and the support they would need should they ever choose to rise up themselves against the regime.
“We look at Belarus realistically. We understand that change won’t happen from one day to the next because change, first of all, must take place in the consciousness of Belarusians,” said Katarzyna Pelczynska-Nalecz, Poland’s undersecretary of state for Eastern affairs. “Our role is to support that attitude and to have a role in shaping it.”
Many of the Polish projects pushing democracy in Belarus are led by former members of Solidarity or their children. Belsat’s founder and director, Agnieszka Romaszewska, comes from a family that was prominent in Solidarity. She launched Belsat in 2007, hoping to give Belarusians the kind of independent news that Radio Free Europe provided to her parents.
She said she is often asked why five years of Belsat broadcasts still haven’t brought about Mr. Lukashenko’s fall, and she always answers: That is not the station’s job.
“Lukashenko needs to be toppled by his own nation, if it wants to do it,” she said. She argued that all Belsat can do is offer an independent perspective missing in the state media, including news, but also documentaries about Belarusian history and culture.
“State television opens with Lukashenko and closes with Lukashenko. Twenty minutes of the news is that he went there, visited this man, was at a factory, gave advice to swine breeders on how to best breed pigs,” Ms. Romaszewska said. “I don’t think that many people in the West are able to picture that.”
Belarusian activists in Warsaw voice gratitude for the help. Many say if they were to return to Belarus they would be imprisoned, so being able to live and work freely in Poland enables them to keep up the struggle for democratic change back home.
By Mangosuthu Buthelezi
Memories of a long brotherhood tempered in common struggle
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