- ‘I Am Alive’ app gains popularity in terror-ravaged Lebanon
- Gun giveaways gain popularity among Republican candidates
- S.C. hospital worker slapped with $525 federal fine for refilling $0.89 soda
- Teen from ‘Jihad Jane’ plot becomes youngest ever to serve time on U.S. terror charges
- Iranian woman forgives son’s killer at the gallows
- Nebraska principal sorry for ‘don’t tattle’ flier
- Illinois readies to spend $100M for Obama museum in Chicago
- John Edwards back in court — this time as a lawyer for Va. boy’s malpractice case
- Covered California reports more than 200K in overtime Obamacare sign-ups
- Thanks, Chuck: Hagel says U.S. sending Ukraine sleeping mats, helmets
ALEXANDER: The power grab behind the crocodile tears
Democrats try to change the rules when they can’t get their way
This week’s “nuclear option” debate about whether U.S. senators should be permitted to filibuster presidential nominations was not about filibusters.
It was instead about whether a majority of senators should be able to change the rules of the Senate anytime for any purpose. Former Sen. Arthur Vandenberg of Michigan once offered the precise trouble with this idea: “If a majority of the Senate can change its rules at any time, there are no rules.”
In other words, this was a power grab.
Despite Democrats’ crocodile tears, filibusters — the requirement of securing 60 senators’ votes to allow a vote on a nomination — have done little to frustrate presidential nominations.
According to the Congressional Research Service, in the history of the Senate, the number of times filibusters have denied a seat to a nominee for the Supreme Court, the president’s Cabinet or federal district judge is zero. (The only arguable exception is President Lyndon Johnson’s engineering of a 45-43 cloture vote in favor of the nomination of sitting Supreme Court Justice Abe Fortas to be chief justice in order to lessen the embarrassment of Fortas’ failure to attract the support of a majority of senators for confirmation.)
Ironically, most of the frustrating of presidential nominations by filibusters has been done by the Democrats themselves. The number of federal court of appeals nominees who have been denied their seats by filibusters would also be zero were it not for the decision by Democratic senators in 2003 to filibuster 10 of President George W. Bush’s appellate court nominees. This led to the “Gang of 14” compromise that allowed five of those to be confirmed, but discarded the other five. Since then, Republicans have retaliated by denying two of Mr. Obama’s appellate nominees.
Over the years, there have been seven sub-Cabinet nominees blocked by filibuster — three Republicans and four Democrats, all since 1994.
So the grand total of presidential nominees who have been blocked by filibusters (failure to obtain 60 votes to cut off debate) is 14. And it is fair to say that Democrats sowed the seeds of the current controversy when they filibustered Mr. Bush’s appellate judges in 2003.
So, what were Democrats complaining about?
For many Democrats, getting rid of the filibuster for nominees is the first step in turning the Senate into an institution where the majority rules lock, stock and barrel.
The Senate would become like the House of Representatives, in which a majority of only one vote could establish a Rules Committee with nine members of the majority and four of the minority. Every meaningful decision would be controlled by the majority. The result: The minority, its views and those it represents would become irrelevant.
It would be the same as having the power to add an inning or two to a baseball game if you don’t like the score in the ninth inning.
Alexis De Tocqueville, the young Frenchman who traveled the United States in the 1830s, warned against this kind of governance. He wrote that the two greatest dangers to the American democracy were Russia and the “tyranny of the majority.”
In his book on Thomas Jefferson, Jon Meacham writes of an after-dinner conversation between President Adams and Vice President Jefferson. Adams said that “no republic could ever last which had not a Senate and a Senate deeply and strongly rooted, strong enough to bear up against all popular passions” and that “trusting to the popular assembly for the preservation of our liberties was [unimaginable].”
TWT Video Picks
By Joy Overbeck
Redemption by government is futile
Get Breaking Alerts
- Joe Biden's first Instagram pic mocked as shill for sunglass ad
- BOLTON: A 'three-state solution' for Middle East peace
- Jews being told to register in Ukraine: John Kerry
- Obama taunts GOP, takes nationally televised victory lap on Obamacare
- Inside China: Marine's comment on islands draws sharp Chinese response
- WEBER: Obamacare cuts home healthcare for millions of seniors
- Army goes to war with National Guard, seizes Apache attack helicopters
- Atheists rush to stage Easter display: 'Jesus Christ is a myth'
- Cliven Bundy's Nevada ranch wrecked by retreating feds
- Rand and Ron Paul ride to the rescue for Bundy in Nevada standoff with feds
Recent Letters to the Editor
- LETTER TO THE EDITOR: Probe Boston teen's medical, custody case
- LETTER TO THE EDITOR: Bundy support a modern-day Tiananmen protest
- LETTER TO THE EDITOR: An honorable president would resign
- LETTER TO THE EDITOR: Bundy support demonstrates voters' distrust
- LETTER TO THE EDITOR: Obamacare disasters were avoidable