New York Gov. Andrew Cuomo is airing TV ads around the country offering tax-free status for 10 years to new business startups entering his state.
The ads’ claims are deceptive because they come with a lot of government strings attached. You only get a tax cut if you put your business where the state tells you to put it, plus meet other state requirements. Critics say Mr. Cuomo’s sweeping claims are not what they’re cracked up to be.
Once again, not unlike President Obama’s past tax-cut proposals, the Democrats think they can dictate the rules that produce successful businesses and lots of jobs.
It did not work nationally, and it isn’t going to work in New York, where — after Mr. Cuomo’s first three years in office — the jobless rate statewide remains above 7 percent.
In New York City, unemployment is a recession-prone 8.1 percent.
“Will Gov. Cuomo ever stop with the tax gimmicks? Our beleaguered state economy needs more than political plans that pick winners and losers,” The New York Post lectured the governor last month.
The exaggerated claims in Mr. Cuomo’s “Start-Up NY” TV ads do not reach out to major retail and wholesale firms, or medical-service businesses and many other business sectors.
Instead his tax-cut plan focuses on high-tech and manufacturing companies that must locate their firms on or near predominantly “upstate” university campuses.
Moreover, businesses that qualify could lose their tax-free status if they do not produce the required number of jobs under Mr. Cuomo’s program. “And the program Cuomo called ‘bold’ is limited to just 10,000 jobs — one-tenth of a percent of the private-sector jobs in New York,” The Post said.
In fact, upon closer examination of the tax plans’ details, it is shifting of tax burdens rather than reducing tax rates.
E.J. McMahon, who heads up the Empire Center for Public Policy, has testified that more than half of Mr. Cuomo’s proposed “tax cuts” in property-tax relief are actually “a tax shift.”
“That is, they take a levy that is being assessed on the local level and shift it to the state level,” Americans for Tax Reform said.
Mr. Cuomo came into office by declaring that the state had to “change the perception of New York as a high-tax state.” He’s won some praise in certain quarters just for suggesting that the state’s economic problems are the result of its oppressive, job-killing tax levels.
The nonpartisan Tax Foundation’s State Business Tax Climate ranks New York last among the 50 states. It’s top income-tax rate for individuals is 8.82 percent, the second-highest in the country.
He named a bipartisan panel led by former Gov. George E. Pataki, a Republican, and former state Comptroller H. Carl McCall, a Democrat, to propose a tax-reform plan that has received mixed reviews.
He should entirely phase out the “millionaires tax” that he pushed through the Legislature in 2011, which the state Assembly’s Majority Ways and Means staff said was an “unsustainable” revenue source.
Mr. Cuomo’s plan calls for lowering the death tax from 16 percent to 10 percent, but that will still leave New York “as only one of 14 states that imposes any tax on the value of property and assets left to others as a result of dying,” Americans for Tax Reform says. Better to phase it out entirely.
In many respects, his plan is less of a tax cut to help create jobs than a political strategy to help him appeal to upstate voters, where he is weakest, in the fall election.
A Quinnipiac University poll shows him with 76 percent support in New York City, but 49 percent support among voters upstate, where the state’s manufacturing industry is struggling.
The governor should take a page out of the tax-cut plan that was enacted by former New Mexico Gov. Bill Richardson, who advised his fellow Democrats that “we have to be the party of growth and the American dream, not the party of redistribution.”
Mr. Richardson, who served two terms between 2003 and 2011, saw that the surrounding states levied income-tax rates that were much lower than New Mexico’s. He cut taxes across the board, slashing the top income-tax rate from 8.2 percent to 4.9 percent over five years.
Not all of his tax changes nor, especially, his spending policies were right by any means. Still, his state’s economy grew, and Inc. magazine gave him a four-star rating for his pro-growth tax cuts. He created thousands of new jobs and balanced his budget.
Outside of New Mexico, though, Mr. Richardson’s tax cuts were politically unpopular with liberal Democrats when he ran for president in 2008.
I recall a campaign speech he delivered at a Democratic National Committee event in Washington where he touted his tax cuts, only to hear a murmur of hisses in the room.
Barack Obama, with dreams of enacting higher income- and business-tax rates to bankroll his big-spending plans, won the presidency. We see the result in a sluggish economy, weak job growth and shrinking labor force.
Mr. Cuomo is betting that his tax plan will help re-elect him in November and put him into a position to seek the White House after that.
It’s going to take a lot more than slick TV ads and devious, tax-shifting gimmicks to erase New York’s reputation as a high-tax, high-unemployment state.
Donald Lambro is a syndicated columnist and contributor to The Washington Times.