- - Tuesday, November 13, 2018

In addition to the Great White Media, Hollywood, academe and the Washington bureaucracy, Democratic partisan advantage is ruthlessly pursued through election agencies in many of our states. Their mission: The well-organized theft of elections through corrupt, low-level officials backed by the aggressive use of “law-fare” — often cloaked in the mantra of “counting every note.” Like termites surmised by the sudden glare of a home-inspector’s flashlight, its representatives are currently under scrutiny (but still burrowing hard) in Broward Country and Palm Beach, Florida as well as Georgia and elsewhere.

Those sentimental civics-class assumptions about totaling the votes — about impartially certifying winners and losers — are obsolete white-nationalist conceits. In today’s PC-driven zeitgeist, equality and diversity must be extended through greater Democratic control. Because ideology only goes so far, even the most artful lies cannot explain why some votes are mysteriously lost, others inexplicably found. With perfectly straight faces, Democratic operatives even argued in Florida that aliens, inmates and convicted felons should not be barred from voting. The overriding imperative: Count every Blue vote, legal or illegal, while insuring that Red tallies are lost or otherwise discounted.

For example, last week Texas Republican Rep. Will Hurd narrowly won re-election in a tight race against Pelosi-sponsored Gina Ortiz-Jones. Or at least, so it seemed after the Associated Press declared that Mr. Hurd had won the Texas 23rd, a gerrymandered district spread over 600 miles between San Antonio and the El Paso suburbs. With politiqueras (political workers) traditionally shepherding low-information voters to the polls, victories can disappear quicker than a West Texas mirage. That history seemed to repeat itself when at 2AM, Mr. Hurd’s apparent victory was suddenly erased by a 282-vote lead for Ms. Ortiz-Jones. Befuddled state election officials eventually discovered that a single precinct from the last county to report its figures had bafflingly neglected to include their election day totals. Until the inevitable recounts, Mr. Hurd enjoys a 689-vote plurality, less than a single percentage point of all votes cast.

Such shenanigans are routine with state election officials, who often regard voting as an interference with their responsibilities — rather than the underlying reason they exist. During a 1986 Army Congressional Fellowship, I was asked by Sen. John Warner to oversee his sponsorship of legislation designed to protect “military voters and overseas citizens” whose requests for absentee ballots were often ignored by state election officials. We arranged a bipartisan list of co-sponsors — from Edward Kennedy to Jesse Helms — all of whom certified that the proposed reforms conveyed no inherent partisan advantage.

But prior to introducing this legislation, Mr. Warner instructed me to contact Virginia state election officials — a sensible precaution but, to my untrained mind, an abundance of caution. Contacting any state agency normally requires patience; but shortly after I faxed the bill’s outline to Richmond, a succession of outraged phone calls began. I soon found myself speaking directly with the head of the Virginia voting agency, listening respectfully while offering an occasional “Yes, ma’am.”



Her vivid sense of outrage lingers three decades later. Why, even if some soldiers and sailors might be deprived of their voting rights, why make burdensome new demands on a system that had worked well enough in World War II and Korea? As she summarized her objections, her voice reached a crescendo: “Well now, young man, votin’ may be a RAHT but absentee votin’ is a PRIVILEGE!” I thanked her politely but also insured that Sen. Warner’s opening floor statement quoted her verbatim objection — a compelling if inadvertent demonstration of why electoral reform was needed.

Here is how that forgotten bit of history informs the psycho-drama now occurring in Florida. On my office wall hangs the red-lined copy of Sen. Warner’s bill, signed into law by Ronald Reagan as the “Uniformed and Overseas Citizens Absentee Voting Act of 1986.” As expected, the new law sparked a generational up-tick in the absentee ballots cast by soldiers, sailors, airmen and marines stationed far from their usual ballot boxes. That was particularly true in Florida when, during the presidential election of 2000, that legislation helped to set the scene for all those hanging chads.

But the current stonewalling in Broward County and elsewhere demonstrates that no victory is ever permanent, that the elect-o-crats in Broward County continue to dig in, defying the voters and any sense of public interest. So why not rehabilitate the FBI’s shopworn reputation by sending them to apply the RICO statute to what is clearly a voting scam of institutional proportions?

Even better: Why not apply the “nuclear option?” Simply set aside the votes of Broward County, an mistakable signal that electoral corruption is a national disgrace which can no longer be tolerated.

• Ken Allard, a retired U.S. Army colonel, is a military analyst and author on national security issues.

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