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Women turned out by the thousands in the streets of Tehran after the June 12 Iranian presidential to express their grievances against the Islamic republic.Women have played an unprecedented role in Iran’s postelection demonstrations, showing that the movement has strong grass-roots support that extends beyond the country’s male-dominated politics and can help maintain the protests’ momentum.
Although women have been active in street politics in Iran in the past, they have been seen by the thousands in recent weeks demonstrating, arguing with police and encouraging men to protest the disputed results of the June 12 presidential election.
Their participation reflects women’s gains in society during the past 30 years as well as the grievances many hold against the Islamic republic.
“They protest alongside men, not behind them, and not in a segregated manner,” said Nayereh Tohidi, chairwoman of the Gender and Women’s Studies Department at California State University at Northridge, who was participating in a panel discussion July 13 at the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars.
Women turned out by the thousands in the most recent big demonstration after Friday prayers. Scores have been arrested, including Shadi Sadr, a lawyer and human rights campaigner.
The iconic martyr in the protests has been Neda Agha-Soltan, 27, a philosophy student who was fatally shot June 20 on the streets of Tehran. Graphic footage of her death created a worldwide phenomenon on social networking sites.
The concept of martyrdom has lofty merit in Iranian society, a reflection of Shi’ite Muslims’ veneration of religious leaders killed by unjust rulers. In addition, images of young Iranians who died in the 1980-88 Iran-Iraq war are plastered all across Iran. Before the death of Miss Agha-Soltan, however, martyrdom was reserved for men.
The other icon has been Zahra Rahnavard, the wife of opposition candidate Mir Hossein Mousavi. She is the first Iranian woman to campaign alongside her husband in a presidential election.
“Women from all walks of life were active in Mousavi’s election campaign because he promised reform and, along with his wife, raised their hopes for a major change in laws affecting women’s rights,” said Haleh Esfandiari, an Iranian-American who directs the Middle East program at the Wilson Center.
“When the elections were stolen, women felt betrayed. They, too, took to the streets. Images of security forces beating up women were shocking and fueled their anger. At times, the number of women exceeded those of men in the protest.”
Women had particularly high hopes for the June election.
President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad initially made efforts to reach out to women, such as suggesting that they be allowed to attend soccer matches, but he reversed course and increased the harassment of women over matters ranging from dress to equal rights.
As a result, many Iranian women were attracted to Mr. Mousavi, a former prime minister who spoke openly of ending legal restrictions against women in matters of inheritance, court testimony and child custody.
Many also were drawn by Mrs. Rahnavard, a prominent academic.
“When Mir Hossein Mousavi became prime minister of Iran, his wife was so well known that some politicians would say ‘Rahnavard’s husband became prime minister of Iran,’ ” said Fatemeh Haghighatjoo, a former member of the Iranian parliament.
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