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PMA employees were the top campaign contributors to Mr. Visclosky, and one of his former chiefs of staff was a PMA lobbyist.

Mr. Visclosky, a member of the defense appropriations subcommittee, has denied any wrongdoing, but has stepped down as chairman of the energy and water appropriations subcommittee.

A spokesman for Mr. Magliocchetti, who worked as a defense subcommittee staffer with Mr. Murtha and other members for nine years before becoming a lobbyist, declined comment on the probe.

Mrs. Koloszar, who worked for PMA after leaving Mr. Moran’s office, now works with her own lobbying firm. In an e-mail to The Washington Times, she said she did not lobby Mr. Moran’s office during a one-year House-imposed “cooling off period” aimed at preventing top staffers from seeking legislative favors from their old bosses. She also said she did not lobby Mr. Murtha’s office during the cooling-off period.

Bill Allison of the D.C.-based Sunlight Foundation, a nonpartisan watchdog group, said the system that firms like MobilVox use to get earmarks amounts to “an influence tax on defense contracts.

“It raises the question of whether taxpayers are getting the most bang for our buck,” Mr. Allison said. “Companies wouldn’t be hiring lobbyists or making campaign contributions if they didn’t think it was effective, but if it is effective, does that mean that the best company gets the contract or the one with the best or best-connected lobbyist gets it?”

Reston-based MobilVox, founded in 1998, develops software to help the U.S. military reduce the threat of improvised explosive devices (IEDs) — roadside and car bombs. The software is designed to make it easier to locate, identify and defuse the weapons.

According to databases maintained by the Defense Department and the Office of Management and Budget, MobilVox had not received any Defense contracts before it began working with Mr. Moran and Mr. Murtha.

But MobilVox has received or shared in nine earmarks sponsored by the two lawmakers since 2003 totaling $12.35 million, according to records and interviews.

During that same period, MobilVox officers and employees donated $39,000 to Mr. Murtha and his various political committees and $21,000 to Mr. Moran, records show.

Most of the donations came from Enrique Lenz, the company’s owner and chief executive officer.

Mr. Lenz, in a written statement answering some but not all of the questions asked by The Times, said MobilVox has developed technologies useful in preventing terrorist attacks and saving lives, and it has “complied with all applicable U.S. laws and regulations.” He also said the firm had delivered all of its U.S. contracts “on time and within budget.”

Lobbying disclosure records show that MobilVox paid at least $510,000 to politically-connected lobbyists, including $350,000 to Mr. Magliocchetti’s PMA Group over a three-year period beginning in February 2006 through this past March, when the firm closed in the fallout of the federal probe.

Both Mr. Murtha and Mr. Moran said through spokesmen that the MobilVox earmarks were based on the quality of the firm’s technology and not on who lobbied or gave donations.

“Our office complies with all the rules of the House and we do not keep records regarding who represented firms in our district and at what time,” Mr. Moran’s spokesman, Austin Durrer, said in a written statement. Mr. Murtha’s spokesman, Matthew Mazonkey, said the MobilVox earmark requests were thoroughly vetted.

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