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Home » News » National

Tuesday, November 18, 2008

PARISI: McCain owes GOP a second concession speech

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  • ASSOCIATED PRESS
Defeated Republican presidential candidate Sen. John McCain addresses supporters in Phoenix on Nov. 4. Mr. McCain perhaps should make a second concession speech apologizing for running a poor campaign.

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By Peter J. Parisi, THE WASHINGTON TIMES

ANALYSIS/OPINION:

As is customary on election night, Republican presidential nominee John McCain called his rival, Barack Obama, to concede defeat and graciously wish the Illinois Democrat well as he prepares to move into the White House in January. The Arizona lawmaker then delivered that same message to disappointed supporters gathered in Phoenix and on national television.

Now, two weeks later, it's time for Mr. McCain to make a second concession speech — this one to his fellow Senate Republicans, when they gather Tuesday [Nov. 18] to organize their conference for the 111th Congress — conceding that he ran the most incompetent campaign in memory, apologizing for it and urging that the party's 2012 nominee not to make the same mistakes if the GOP is to have any hope of wresting back the White House four years from now.

Mr. McCain's second concession speech should go something like this:

"My Friends,

Regrettably, I belatedly realize now that "me-too," half-a-loaf Republicanism is not the recipe for presidential success I long thought it would be, because the voters and special-interest groups that favor big-government programs aren't going to settle for half a loaf when they can have the whole loaf. That formulation never had any chance of winning over the votes of the Democrats and independents I so long played to, while it only served to turn off the Republican base; so it was truly a "lose-lose" proposition.

For the last eight years, we've tried being Democrat-lite, massively growing the federal government — just not as massively as the Democrats would have — and what did it get us November 4th? An electoral "whooping" and diminished minorities in both the House and Senate, that's what.

Likewise, I now realize, sadly, that I reached across the aisle on issue after issue to liberal Democrats — with Ted Kennedy on immigration reform; with Russ Feingold on campaign-finance reform (which ironically proved to be my own undoing in the campaign); with Joe Lieberman on cap-and-trade climate legislation (which by Obama's own admission would bankrupt the coal industry); the Gang of 14 on judicial nominees; and more — and what do I have to show for it? As I said repeatedly during the campaign, I have the scars to prove it. I meant it at the time as a badge of honor; but in 20/20 hindsight, that good will was never requited.

Need more proof? President Bush, with his big-government "compassionate conservatism" — No Child Left Behind education legislation and the Medicare prescription-drug program, to cite just two examples — further hurt the Republican brand by further blurring the differences between the parties and dispiriting the GOP base. The Democrats never make this mistake. Sure, they talk a centrist game to get elected — take Obama's flim-flam on "tax cuts for 95 percent of Americans," for example — but I guarantee you they will be lock-step liberals when they take the reins of power in January, especially if they get a filibuster-proof Senate.

President Bush, bless his heart, genuinely sought to "change the tone" in Washington when he arrived here in 2001; but it became clear early on there would be no reciprocity on the part of the other party. For at least a half-dozen years, after a brief respite in the wake of 9/11, the Democrats in Congress and their Daily Kos/MoveOn extremist allies have absolutely vilified the man — one bumper sticker says it all: "Impeach Bush, Torture Cheney." Yet he never fired back, never wanting to get down in the gutter with them, even in the face of being likened to Adolf Hitler. Silence equals assent, and his job-approval numbers prove it. The lesson here is clear: When you're in a fight with street brawlers, you can't unilaterally abide by the Marquis of Queensbury rules.

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Copyright 2009 The Washington Times, LLC

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