CAIRO | The Muslim call to prayer fills the halls of a Cairo computer shopping center, followed immediately by the click of locking doors as the young, bearded tech salesmen close shop and line up in rows to pray.
Business grinding to a halt for daily prayers is not unusual in conservative Saudi Arabia, but until recently, it was rare in the Egyptian capital, especially in affluent commercial districts like Mohandiseen, where the mall is located.
However, almost the entire three-story mall is made up of computer stores run by Salafis, members of an ultraconservative Islamic movement that has grown dramatically across the Middle East in recent years.
“We all pray together,” said Yasser Mandi, a salesman at the Nour el-Hoda computer store. “When we know someone who is good and prays, we invite them to open a shop here in this mall.” Even the name of Mr. Mandi’s store is religious, meaning “Light of Guidance.”
Critics worry that the rise of Salafis in Egypt, as well as in other Arab countries such as Jordan and Lebanon, will crowd out the more liberal and tolerant version of Islam long practiced there. They also warn that the doctrine is just a few shades away from that of violent groups like al Qaeda - that it effectively preaches “Yes to jihad, just not now.”
In the broad spectrum of Islamic thought, Salafism is on the extreme conservative end. Saudi Arabia’s puritanical Wahhabi interpretation is considered its forerunner.
Salafi groups are gaining in numbers and influence across the Middle East. In Jordan, a Salafi was chosen as head of the old-guard opposition group, the Muslim Brotherhood. In Kuwait, Salafis were elected to Parliament and are leading the resistance to any change they think threatens traditional Islamic values.
The gains for Salafis are part of a trend of turning back to conservatism and religion after nationalism and democratic reform failed to fulfill promises to improve people’s lives. Egypt has been at the forefront of change in both directions, toward liberalization in the 1950s and ’60s and back to conservatism more recently.
The word “salafi” in Arabic means “ancestor,” harking back to a supposedly purer form of Islam said to have been practiced by Muhammad and his companions in the seventh century. Salafism preaches strict segregation of the sexes and resists any innovation in religion or adoption of Western ways seen as immoral.
“When you are filled with stress and uncertainty, black and white is very good; it’s very easy to manage,” said Selma Cook, an Australian convert to Islam who for more than a decade described herself as a Salafi.
In most of the region, Salafism has been a purely social movement calling for an ultraconservative lifestyle. Most Salafis shun politics - in fact, many argue that Islamic parties such as the Muslim Brotherhood and the Palestinians’ Hamas are too willing to compromise their religion for political gain.
Its preachers often glorify martyrdom and jihad - or holy war - but always with the caveat that Muslims should not launch jihad until their leaders call for it. The idea is that the decision to overturn the political order is up to God, not the average citizen.
However, critics warn that Salafis easily could slide into violence. In North Africa, some already have - the Algerian Salafi Group for Call and Combat has allied itself with al Qaeda and is blamed for bombings and other attacks. Small pockets of Salafis in northern Lebanon and Gaza have also taken up weapons and formed jihadi-style groups.
The Salafi way contrasts with the Islam long practiced in Egypt. Here the population is religious but with a relatively liberal slant. Traditionally, Egyptian men and women have mixed rather freely and Islamic doctrine has been influenced by local, traditional practices and an easygoing attitude to moral foibles.
Salafism, however, has proved highly adaptable, appealing to Egypt’s wealthy businessmen, the middle class and even the urban poor - cutting across class in an otherwise rigidly hierarchical society.
Critics of Salafism say it has spread so quickly in part because the Egyptian and Saudi governments encouraged it as an apolitical, nonviolent alternative to hard-line jihadi groups.
These critics warn that the governments are playing with fire.
The Salafis’ talk of eventual jihad focuses on fighting Americans in Afghanistan and Iraq, not on overthrowing pro-U.S. Arab governments denounced by al Qaeda. Most Salafi clerics preach loyalty to their countries’ rulers, and some sharply denounce al Qaeda.
Egypt, with Saudi help, sought to rehabilitate jailed Islamic militants, in part by providing them with Salafi books. Critics say President Hosni Mubarak’s government sees the Salafis as a counterweight to the opposition Muslim Brotherhood.
The political quietism of the Salafis and their injunctions always to obey the ruler present too good an opportunity for established Arab rulers to pass up, says novelist Alaa Aswani, one of the most prominent critics of rising conservatism in Egypt.
“That was a kind of Christmas present for the dictators because now they can rule with both the army and the religion,” he says.
The new wave of conservatism is not inevitable, Mr. Aswani maintains, noting that his books have risque themes and condemnations of conservatives and yet are best-sellers in Egypt.
“The battle is not over, because Egypt is too big to be fitting in this very, very little, very small vision of a religion,” he said.
Critics worry that the rise of Salafis in Egypt, as well as in other Arab countries such as Jordan and Lebanon, will crowd out the more liberal and tolerant version of Islam long practiced there.
Please read our comment policy before commenting.