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Over a three-year period, MobilVox — with Mr. Murtha’s help — shared in three separate $1.7 million earmarks for a U.S. Navy project that included a mobile field kit to help train sailors about advanced IEDs. The earmarks were in the 2004, 2005 and 2006 appropriations bills.

Federal lobbying records show that by the time Kit Murtha retired at the end of 2006, MobilVox had hired a new set of lobbyists with ties to his brother — the PMA Group.

At the time, Mr. Magliocchetti was turning PMA into one of the 10 top-grossing lobbying firms on Capitol Hill, based in large part on its ability to get defense earmarks from Mr. Murtha and his colleagues on the subcommittee. The firm’s Web site bragged that “no one understands the inner workings of our nation’s capital better than the PMA Group.”

MobilVox became a PMA client on Feb. 1, 2006, with Mrs. Koloszar and Mr. Magliocchetti listed as two of the four lobbyists on its registration form.

Mr. Moran went to bat for MobilVox shortly after it hired PMA and Mrs. Koloszar, helping the company obtain a $1.8 million earmark for a portable computer system for Navy divers in the 2007 defense appropriation bill, which passed the House in June 2006.

While Mrs. Koloszar could not lobby Mr. Moran and Mr. Murtha during most of 2006 because of the “cooling off” rules, other members of PMA could and she was allowed to lobby other congressmen. In her statement to The Times, she said she was “very proud” of the work she had done and she had “carefully complied” with Congress’ post-employment restrictions. She has since lobbied both offices.

Records show Mr. Moran has continued to secure earmarks for MobilVox’s diver project; $800,000 in 2008 and $1.2 million in 2009. For 2010, he requested $2 million for the project in the defense appropriations bill, which was approved by the full House on July 30. The bill is currently in a conference committee between House and Senate appropriators.

Federal campaign records show that in November 2008, Mrs. Koloszar gave $5,000 - the maximum allowed - to Mr. Moran’s Virginia Leadership PAC, while Mr. Magliocchetti and other PMA employees gave an additional $7,000. Mrs. Koloszar also donated $8,400 to Mr. Moran’s congressional campaign committee since she became a lobbyist, the records show. Overall, PMA employees have been Mr. Moran’s biggest career donors, according to the Center for Responsive Politics.

Virginia state campaign records show that Mrs. Koloszar, Mr. Lenz, his wife, Darlene, who is the company’s chief operations officer, and MobilVox also gave $7,000 to Mr. Moran’s younger brother, Brian, in his unsuccessful campaign in June for the Virginia Democratic gubernatorial nomination.

In their written statements to The Times, neither Mrs. Koloszar nor Mr. Lenz answered specific questions about their campaign donations. Mr. Lenz said he complied with all federal laws and regulations regarding interactions with Congress. Mrs. Lenz did not return calls to her office seeking comment.

Federal records also show that Mr. Magliocchetti, Mrs. Koloszar and three other PMA lobbyists each donated the maximum of $5,000 to Mr. Murtha’s leadership fund on July 31, 2006, a month after the House approved the 2007 defense appropriations bill, which included two MobilVox earmarks.

Since PMA closed in March, MobilVox has continued to use Mrs. Koloszar as a lobbyist, paying her new firm, MKG Consulting LLC, $40,000 through June 30.

Mr. Durrer, Mr. Moran’s spokesman, defended the MobilVox earmarks, describing the firm as a small, minority-owned business headquartered in the congressmans district. He said Mr. Moran “strongly supports their efforts to develop cutting-edge technology that assists the military in combating improvised explosive devices on land and underwater.”

The spokesman said projects are selected based on whether they create jobs in Northern Virginia and if the military believes the technology is critical in protecting U.S. troops.

“The congressman determines which projects best fit this criteria and those are the ones we request. Period. End of story,” he said, adding there was no connection between campaign donations and earmarks.

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