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The firm is no longer using lobbyists to seek federal earmarks and contracts, said Jim Gibson, Adsil’s president and chief executive officer. He said the company is concentrating its business on the private sector.

In his divorce filing, Mr. Magliocchetti said he owned 300,000 shares of Adsil worth $150,000 or 50 cents a share - the same price he paid for them. Today, his shares are worth about a penny apiece, Mr. Gibson said.

Other Adsil shareholders were Mr. Magliocchetti’s daughter, Jennifer; his son, Mark, and his wife, Leslie, along with the lobbying firm, Mr. Gibson said. He said he could not discuss the amount of shares his stockholders held because it is a privately traded company.

Mr. Magliocchetti owned 480,956 shares of Cryptek worth $423,241 as of Jan. 31, 2004, according to his divorce filing. He bought them for $1 a share, according to the divorce court records.

Cryptek, formed in 1996, was one of PMA’s earliest and best-paying clients, signing up in April 1999 and staying with it to the end of January 2009, shortly before the lobbying firm closed its doors in the wake of the federal probe. Cryptek paid PMA nearly $1.8 million during that 10-year span and received a number of earmarks.

In 2004, Cryptek paid PMA $240,000 to lobby Congress and received four earmarks for $19.1 million in the 2005 defense appropriations bill, according to an Office of Management and Budget (OMB) database.

While the OMB did not identify which member of Congress obtained those earmarks, records show that three of them originated in the House and one in the Senate. Mr. Magliocchetti had close ties to several powerful members of the House Appropriations defense subcommittee, including its current chairman, Rep. John P. Murtha, Pennsylvania Democrat.

Mr. Magliocchetti worked with Mr. Murtha on the subcommittee in the 1980s, and PMA employees were one of Mr. Murtha’s largest groups of campaign donors.

Rep. Peter J. Visclosky, Indiana Democrat and another member of the defense subcommittee, secured a $1.6 million earmark for Cryptek in fiscal 2008, records show. Cryptek’s offices are more than 660 miles from Mr. Visclosky’s district.

The federal grand jury investigating Mr. Magliocchetti subpoenaed records from Mr. Visclosky’s congressional and campaign offices. PMA employees are Mr. Visclosky’s largest group of campaign donors and Mr. Visclosky has obtained dozens of earmarks for PMA clients.

Cryptek employees and the company’s political action committee have contributed $122,270 to federal candidates since 1997, according to disclosure records. They gave $31,849 in campaign donations to Mr. Visclosky, including $7,300 in 2007 when the House was putting together its 2008 appropriations bill.

Mr. Murtha got $24,600 from Cryptek employees.

Neither Mr. Murtha nor Mr. Visclosky responded to requests for a comment for this article. Both men have publicly denied any wrongdoing.

When Cryptek filed for bankruptcy protection in November 2008, PMA submitted a claim saying it was owed $117,500 in unpaid fees. When Cryptek couldn’t get financing to reorganize, it was forced into liquidation in March.

In July, API Cryptek Inc., a wholly owned subsidiary of API Technology Corp., acquired substantially all of Cryptek’s assets for $5 million through the purchase of a bank’s interest. The bankruptcy apparently wiped out the interests of stockholders like Mr. Magliocchetti and his son, Mark, who also was listed in court records as a shareholder.

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