- The Washington Times - Sunday, March 11, 2007

A leading Sudanese government official, Ahmed Haroun (in charge of “humanitarian affairs”) has been named by the International Criminal Court’s chief prosecutor, Luis Moreno Ocampo, as being criminally responsible for mass murders and mass rapes of huge numbers of black Muslims in Darfur in western Sudan.

Also charged with these crimes by the ICC is Ali Kushayb, the primary leader of the Khartoum government’s hired Arab militia, the Janjaweed, which have been the frontline perpetrators of the mass murders and rapes, some of which have included black African children. The other named ICC target, Mr. Haroun, has been the chief supplier and paymaster of the Janjaweed.

This issuance of the warrants and summonses for these two heavily documented suspects of genocide will not end the accelerating pace of what the impotent United Nations has called the world’s worst humanitarian crisis. Sudan’s minister of justice (as defined by this infamous government), Mohamed Ali al-Mardi, has indignantly declared: “The International Criminal Court has no jurisdiction to try any Sudanese, and the Sudanese government will not allow any Sudanese to be tried and punished outside of Sudan.” (The International Criminal Court is in The Hague, Netherlands.)

Moreover, on Feb. 22, Sudan’s monster-in-chief, President Omar Hassan al-Bashir, was enthusiastically welcomed in Detroit at the national conference of the Nation of Islam, best known for its indisposed leader, Louis Farrakhan. Railing against his critics, Bashir charged them with “lies and imposing solutions that don’t respect the dignity of our nation.” (In the general’s dignified nation, some 450,000 black Muslims in Darfur have thus far been killed or otherwise died as a result of the genocide. And Sudan’s epidemic of official violence is such that the ICC investigators gathered their evidence by interviewing survivors of the genocide in other countries because it was too dangerous for them to go into Mr. Bashir’s blood-soaked nation.)

So now, who will bring troops into Sudan to deliver the criminal court’s summonses to the humanitarian minister and the head of the Janjaweed, which has terminated so many lives and forced 2.5 million black Muslims into becoming refugees who are still attacked by the Janjaweed? The International Criminal Court, which was given the authority to conduct its investigation by the U.N. Security Council, has no police or army of its own. Therefore, for a single life to be saved or a single rape to be prevented,the United Nations in all its majesty must, by its rules, persuade Mr. Bashir to allow U.N. troops into his sovereign nation to serve the warrants. It’s like trying to cajole Hitler into allowing Doctors Without Bordersinto Auschwitz.

In January, the general, who by all logic should also be served with a summons, personally pledged to U.N. Secretary-General Ban Kim Moon that he would cooperate with the U.N. proposal to at least send a human-rights team into his dignified nation. Since then, as is his custom, the general has reneged on his pledge.

The secretary-general’s reaction is “disappointment.” He did not show a determination for the United Nations to, at long last, actually do something to restore some credibility to that body after all the Security Council’s resolutions and postures of concern about these atrocities that will soon amass many more corpses than Rwanda’s genocide, which the United Nations also did nothing to stop.

On Feb. 27, 10 days after the International Criminal Court declared that two alleged perpetrators of the genocide would face trials, Eric Reeves, the most authoritative historian and analyst of Sudan’s holocaust, wrote on the invaluably reliable daily Sudan Tribune Web site: “Until the world community finds the courage to confront Khartoum’s genocidaires for who they are… there will be no change in Darfur. We will see death and suffering stretching out indefinitely before us.” Another expert reaction to the ICC’s announcement was from Dr. Susan Rice, the State Department’s Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs during the Clinton administration (now at the Brookings Institution). She told National Public Radio on Feb. 27 that since we have failed to end the genocide, or “physically protect those that are being killed… it’s not sufficient to negotiate. We need to protect the people who are dying every day even as we speak.”

As a reporter on the barbaric National Islamic Front government of Sudan for more than 14 years, I see no end to this daily genocide, as we speak, other than by military force. But by whom? Is there no such coalition of willing nations? If there is not, what does that tell us of the world in which we live and what has become of us as Americans?

We, too, have abandoned the remaining black men, women and children of Darfur. Has a single presidential candidate made their survival a “priority” or even mentioned them?

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