Denys Kapustin, founder and commander of the Russian Volunteer Corps, says his unit has become a home for Russians who want to fight in Ukraine against Russian President Vladimir Putin's invading forces.
Europe's largest land warfare exhibition opened Monday outside Paris under a cloud of urgency, as government officials, arms manufacturers and military delegations gathered to discuss a question that has leaped from the realm of theory to reality: How fast can the West prepare for the next major war?
In a train yard near Odesa, Ukraine's dead return home, their remains stored in body bags stacked in refrigerated cars. Some bodies are whole. Some are badly decomposed. Some bags contain mangled fragments of several men mixed together by blast, time or expediency.
Georgia's Independence Day last month was supposed to be a historic display of national unity for the nation of 3.8 million. Instead, May 26 highlighted the growing rift between Georgian society and the country's increasingly authoritarian ruling regime.
When Swarmer, a U.S.-based drone company with roots in Ukraine, listed on the Nasdaq this spring, the move drew attention well beyond the small circle of investors willing to bet on another defense technology startup.
Ukraine is considering a step that would have seemed politically radioactive before the war: legalizing private military companies to turn the country's unmatched experience of modern warfare into an export business.
Inside a former industrial complex turned training ground, students weave first-person view drones through tires, pipes and improvised gates before steering toward mock targets, including a fake Russian tank and an old Soviet-style van.
While Russia still holds the initiative in several sectors and continues to pour men, drones and artillery shells into the fight, Ukrainian soldiers say Moscow's assaults are increasingly being disrupted or destroyed before they can reach their positions.
Forty years after the explosion of Reactor No. 4 at the Chernobyl Nuclear Power Plant, the site remains one of the most complex nuclear cleanup operations on Earth.
As EU leaders gathered in Cyprus on Thursday to wrestle with the fallout from the Iran war -- including high fossil-fuel prices, the security situation in the Straits of Hormuz and emergency tools to shield Europe's economy -- Italy arrived with a familiar problem: While Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni wants to keep the screws on Moscow, her country is still exposed to the energy shock that comes with it.
Hungarian Prime Minister-elect Peter Magyar announced Thursday that his government will temporarily suspend public media broadcasts until he's satisfied news outlets can produce unbiased coverage.
The military picture remains fragile, diplomacy is stalled, and Kyiv is now confronting a second test that could prove nearly as consequential as events at the front: a funding squeeze that threatens its ability to sustain the war.
Just weeks into his tenure as defense minister, Mykhailo Fedorov is already signaling a shift in how Kyiv plans to manage the war against Russia: less bureaucratic oversight, more data-driven management and a new emphasis on leveraging Ukraine's hard-won expertise in defeating Iran's Shahed drones.
The Kremlin has been quietly tightening its control over phones, internet access and social media across Russia for months in a move insiders say is aimed at quashing dissent ahead of another possible military call-up.
Almost a year ago, in March 2025, Russian officials announced plans to build a large-scale drone factory in neighboring Belarus, presenting the project as a step toward strengthening the "national security and the economy" of Moscow's closest ally.
In a dusty basement somewhere along Ukraine's southeastern front, Ukrainian team leader Ihor is sitting at a table, staring intently at a laptop. On the screen, there is an aerial view of a barren treeline demarcating two desolate, snow-covered fields. A man is cautiously moving among the leafless trees, an automatic rifle slung over his shoulder.